第八十一章《胡适英文论著：民族危机与公共外交》（6）

  第八十一章《胡适英文论著：民族危机与公共外交》（6）

  Fourthly, the same historical tradition also explains Japan's "immutable policy" of imperialistic expansion. Continental expansion and world conquest have been the national ideal of Japan for all these 500 years.
  Over 350 years ago, in 1590, Hideyoshi, the great military hero of medieval Japan, sent letters to Korea, China, the Philippines, the Liuchiu Islands and India, to inform them that he was embarking on a program of world conquest. I quote a few sentences from his letter to the King of Korea in the translation of Professor Yoshi Kuno:
  "Hideyoshi, the Supreme Imperial Advisor of the Emperor of Japan, hereby addresses His Excellency the King of Korea Although I was born to a family of low rank, my mother conceived me immediately after she had dreamed that the Sun had entered into her bosom. A Physiognomist interpreted this dream and predicted that I was destined to extend my authority to all parts of the world where the sun shines Because I was born with so great a destiny which was revealed by this omen, those who have fostered feelings of enmity and opposition have been crushed and destroyed. Whenever and against whomever I have waged war, the victory has always been mine. The lands and districts invaded by me have always been conquered. Now our empire has entered upon a period of peace and prosperity,I am not willing to spend the remaining years of my life in the land of my birth. According to my idea, the nation that I would create should not be separated by mountains and seas, but should include them all. In starting my conquest, I planned that our forces should proceed to China and compel the people there to adopt our customs and manners. Then that vast country, consisting of more than four hundred provinces, would enjoy our imperial protection and benevolence for millions of years to come You, King of Korea, are hereby instructed to join us at the head of all your fighting men when we proceed to China"
  When he received no satisfactory reply from Korea, Hideyoshi sent an army of 305,000 men across the sea to invade China through Korea early in 1592. This war of unprovoked invasion lasted seven years and was ended only after the death of Hideyoshi himself.
  At the outset of his campaign, Hideyoshi worked out a timetable in which his army was to conquer Korea before the end of May 1592, and to occupy Peking, the capital of China, before the end of the year. In 1594, the Japanese Imperial Court would be removed to Peking where the Emperor would be enthroned as the Emperor of the newly created empire. Hideyoshi would then establish himself at Ningpo, China. After that his military leaders would then proceed to carry the military campaign into India and other Asiatic countries.
  The timetable of Hideyoshi was not carried out, but he has become the idol and ideal of the Japanese nation all these 350 years. What has happened during these decades and what has happened during these last few months on the Asiatic continent and in the Pacific are not historical accidents. They are the authentic echoes of the spirit of Hideyoshi.
  This authoritarian, slavishly credulous, militaristic, and fantastically imperialistic Japan is "our honorable enemy," against whom China has been fighting for the last five years, and against whom and her European partners in aggression, the United Nations representing four-fifths of mankind are now waging a common war to the finish.
  Ⅳ

  Out of these totally different historical backgrounds, there have grown up two fundamentally opposite ways of life. The free, democratic and peaceful ways of my people are now dangerously threatened by the totalitarian, oppressive and militaristic ways of Japan.
  China is fighting Japan, in the first place, because Japan is not only reviving in this modern age the cult of emperor-worship, is not only actually restoring the monarchy in parts of China, but is solemnly undertaking on herself the"divine mission" of imposing her emperor-worship and her totalitarianism on the continent of Asia and the whole world.
  China is fighting Japan, in the second place, because my people, who have always regarded doubt as a virtue and criticism as a right, do not wish to be dominated by a people who condemn all thinking as dangerous.
  And lastly, China is fighting Japan, because my people who have always loved peace and condemned war, cannot afford to live under the yoke of a people who have always glorified wars and always dreamed of world conquest.
  Foundations of Friendship Between the Chinese and the Americans
  The Social Service Review
  June, 1944. Vol. XVIII. No. 2. pp. 141-144.
  I gladly join the members and friends of the Immigrants' Protective League in celebrating the repeal of the Chinese Exclusion Laws by the Congress of the United States. All Chinese people, here and elsewhere, will gladly join with you in this celebration and in expressing to members of the present Congress our warm and deep appreciation for this action. The repeal of the Exclusion Laws means the removal of the last, but not the least, impediment to the friendship between the peoples of our two countries.
  Nearly forty years ago as a young lad of fourteen or fifteen, I witnessed the Chinese boycott of American goods as an act of retaliation against the American exclusion of the Chinese. I cite this long-forgotten boycott to show how serious the situation was at one time. The exclusion law has always mystified my people, because it came from a people most friendly to China. It could have had more serious effects on the relationship between our two peoples if our people had not always had confidence that the people of the United States would surely some day do us justice and remove and repair this dangerously fractured link in the historic chain of Sino-American friendship.
  Now that this rusty link is removed and a historical wrong is redressed, it is worth while to re-examine the foundations on which the friendship between our two peoples has rested during all these years. Such an examination might give us new inspiration to rededicate ourselves to the task of further strengthening these foundations of our friendship.
  Sino-American friendship has rested upon three great foundation stones:
  1. One hundred years of nonaggressive and friendly policy on the part of the United States government toward China.
  2. A century of American missionary work in China.
  3. Three-quarters of a century of the educating of Chinese students in American universities and colleges.
  China's political relationship with the European powers during the last hundred years, as you all know, has not been happy. But her relationship with the United States has been most friendly from the very beginning. Chinese soon began to see that here was a great Western nation which had no territorial or political designs on her and which desired only the right to trade in China. From the very beginning, the American policy was one which was later described as "the Open Door Policy."
  As the United States became more and more powerful and as her voice carried more weight in the family of nations, this friendly and disinterested attitude toward China was more than once responsible for rescuing China from grave dangers of imperialistic aggression in the hands of the other Great Powers. It was John Hay whose strong notes on the Open Door Policy in China saved China from the great international crisis at the turn of the century. It was the Washington Conference of 1921-22 which helped China to get back the former German possessions in Shantung which Japan had taken at the beginning of World War I in 1914. It was the treaties of the Washington Conference which gave the Far East a decade of peace, until that peace was ruthlessly broken by Japan's aggression in Manchuria in 1931.
  And, whatever you may have heard said about the small amount of American aid to China during her seven years of war against Japan, I can say to you that it is the American government and the American people who have been the main support of our courage and fighting morale throughout these terrible years of a devastating war.
  This—the one hundred years of nonaggressive and pro-Chinese policy—has been the first foundation stone of Sino-American friendship.
  The second foundation stone of friendship has been the missionary movement. I am no Christian and have not been a student in any missionary school, but I can testify that the work of the American educational and medical missionaries in China has played a very important part in bringing about the mutual understanding and friendship between our two nations. Numerically, the American missionaries probably did not make many converts. Their main contribution has been in the direction of educational and medical service—in opening schools and hospitals, in translating Western books— religious, scientific, and educational works—into Chinese and in agitating for social and political reforms. They were the pioneers who brought to China not only new ideas and ideals but, more important still, a new way of looking at Chinese life and Chinese civilization.
  Together with their British and Canadian fellow-workers, the American missionaries have done very good pioneer work in many fields of social and educational reform. The education of women, the education of the deaf and the blind, the introduction of modern medicine, hospitals, and nursing—these are a few of their most notable achievements.
  Many of the missionary schools have in more recent decades developed into universities and colleges of good standing. The greatest of these—the Peking Union Medical College, which has been taken over by the Rockefeller Foundation, but whose name testifies to its missionary origin—has been largely responsible for the training of young Chinese leaders in modern medicine, surgery, graduate nursing, and medical research.
  The missionary movement has not been a one-way traffic. The missionaries came into close contact with Chinese civilization and played their part as interpreters of China to their friends at home. When they returned to America, either on furlough or after retirement, they became the spokesmen for the Chinese people and their cultural life. Their voice was heard by the hundreds of churches whose membership had supported the missionary schools or hospitals. Think of the thousands of Yale men who have given financial support to the Yale-in-China throughout the years and decades.
  Think of the University of Pennsylvania graduates who have supported Dr. McCracken in his medical work all these years. The missionary in this way has served as the bridge between two peoples—the benefactors and their beneficiaries. This bridge has been one of friendship, service, and understanding.
  The third foundation stone of Sino-American friendship has been the many thousands of Chinese students educated in the American universities and colleges.
  About the middle of the last century there was only one Chinese graduate of an American university, Mr. Yung Wing, of Yale University. But for the last thirty years there has been an annual average of fifteen hundred Chinese students in your colleges and universities.
  The substantial increase in the number of Chinese students began with the return of the "surplus" portion of the Boxer Indemnity by the American government in 1908. The return of the Indemnity was made without any conditions. But President Theodore Roosevelt, in his message to Congress, expressed a hope that the money might be used in educating young Chinese in the American universities. The Chinese government adopted the suggestion and pledged the use of the returned funds for the education of our students in this country. The first group of Indemnity Scholarship students, forty-seven in number, came in 1909. From 1909 to 1941, for over thirty years, the average number of such students has been about seventy-five each year: about twenty-five hundred in thirty-two years.
  As usual in such cases of student migration, these scholarship students have brought many other students to this country—students who came either on other government scholarships or on their own private means. Thus the total number of students has been, year after year, many times the number of scholarship students. Take an average of fifteen hundred students a year, and you get the amazing figure of more than fifteen thousand students who have spent from three to four years in the American universities. Many of these men and women are now in the prime of life and are holding positions of leadership in all walks of life in China. The scholastic standing of the Chinese students has been systematically studied in some of your leading institutions. At the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, for example, a statistical study has been made of the scholastic standing of all national groups of students at the institution since its founding, and the result of this study has shown that the Chinese students as a national group have attained the highest average throughout the years. At Bryn Mawr College, some years ago, a Chinese student, Miss Ting, broke all records of scholastic excellence in the history of the college; and when she was studying medicine at the University of Michigan, the dean of the Medical School one day made a speech to the medical students, in which he is reported to have said: "The students of the Medical School can be divided into two classes: Class A, Miss Ting; and Class B, the rest of you!"
  Such vast numbers of selected young Chinese men and women doing excellent work in your best universities and colleges and carrying away high academic honors have served a purpose as valuable as that of the American missionary: they are the unofficial ambassadors of good will while they are in your midst, making the people of your college towns understand and appreciate the intellectual and moral capabilities of the Chinese youth; and when they return to China, they are the best "missionaries" and "salesmen" of American goods, tools, and machinery and the American ways of life. They—the fifteen thousand Chinese students from the American universities and colleges and research laboratories—have been the builders of the third and perhaps the strongest foundation of friendship between our two peoples.
  But beneath these three great foundation stones of Sino-American friendship, there is something even more fundamental, which is the foundation of all foundations. That something is the sense of common humanity which one hundred years of contact and association have enabled our two peoples to discover and appreciate in each other. We have found that we love the same things and laugh at the same jokes, that we have the same moral and spiritual standards and agree in the things we honor or despise. That is what I mean by our sense of common humanity.
  Some of the guests at this luncheon may have noticed a young American soldier coming to visit me at the speakers' table and present me to his young bride. I cannot resist the temptation to tell you a story about this American youth as an illustration of the point I have been making.
  This young soldier was once my chauffeur at the Chinese Embassy. His name is Donald C—; and he comes from a Chicago family of Scandinavian origin. He was with me for a little over a year. At the end of 1940, he came to tell me that he had to leave my service and go back to Chicago to finish his college education. "Mr. Ambassador," said he after we had bid each other goodbye, "I had never met any Chinese before coming to the Embassy. During this last year, I have learned much about your people. I want to tell you, in particular, how much I have learned from observing your cook and Mrs. Hu's maid. I have learned to entertain the greatest respect for both of them. If your people are all like these two, Mr. Ambassador, your people must be a very great people." My young Scandinavian-American friend has hit upon a great truth: he has discovered in a Common Man and a Common Woman of China something which his own people have always considered noble and great. He has found the true foundation of all international friendship and understanding.
  Maker of Modern China: The Story of Sun Yat-sen
  Into the Eighth Year
  1944. pp. 17-23.
  Dr. Sun Yat-sen was born in a farming village in Hsiang Shan Hsien, in the Province of Kwangtung, in 1866—two years after the ending of the great Taiping Rebellion (1850-64) .
  He once said of himself: "I am a coolie and the son of a coolie. I was born with the poor, and I am still poor. My sympathies have always been with the struggling mass."
  When 12 years old, he went to Honolulu in 1879 to visit his emigrant elder brother, and was sent to a boys' school where, at the end of the third year, he was awarded the second prize in English grammar. He returned home in 1883. From 1884 to 1886, he studied at Queen's College, Hong Kong. It was in Hong Kong that he became a baptised Christian.
  In 1886, he took up medicine under the American missionary surgeon, Dr. John A. Kerr, in Canton. When the new Medical School was established in Hong Kong in 1887, Sun Yat-sen was the first student to register. Here he studied for five years and was graduated in 1892 with a certificate of Proficiency in Medicine and Surgery.
  He practiced medicine and surgery in Macao and then in Canton. But his professional career did not last long. For he had become interested in other and more important things. He had already become the leader of a secret movement for the reform and remaking of China.
  Dr. Sun tells us that his revolutionary plans dated back to the year 1885 when China fought France and was defeated, resulting in the loss of Annam:"I resolved in that year that the Manchu regime must go and that a Chinese republic must be established." He was then in his nineteenth year. From that time on, says he, "the school was my place of propaganda, and medicine my medium for entrance into the world."
  In 1893, on the eve of the first Sino-Japanese War, Dr. Sun made a visit to North China, and presented a memorandum to the Chinese statesman, Li Hung-chang. The memorandum is remarkable as a record of the young revolutionary's early political ideas. In this paper, Dr. Sun formulated the four fundamental objectives of a modern state: (1) to enable man to exert his utmost capability;(2) to utilise land to its utmost fertility; (3) to use material nature to its utmost utility; and (4) to circulate goods with the utmost fluidity.
  The next year (1894) war broke out between China and Japan. China was badly defeated; and the weakness of the old regime was clearly exposed to the whole nation and to the whole world.
  Dr. Sun thought this was the best opportunity for the overthrow of the Manchu dynasty. He went to Honolulu and founded the Hsing Chung Hui (Society for the Restoring of China). He returned to China early in 1895, and began to plot for an armed uprising and seizure of the city of Canton as a base of the Revolution. It was an elaborate plot, requiring half a year of preparation and involving hundreds of people. But it failed, and over 70 were arrested. Three were executed, including one of Dr. Sun's intimate comrades. A price of 1,000 dollars was set on Sun's person. He was only 29.
  After his escape from Canton, Dr. Sun went to Japan, whence he proceeded to Honolulu and visited the United States for the first time. In September, 1896, Dr. Sun sailed from New York for England, arriving in London on October 1st.
  On October 11th, 1896, Dr. Sun was kidnapped by officials of the Chinese Legation. He was imprisoned there for twelve days and it was undoubtedly the intention of the Chinese Government to smuggle him back to China to be executed as the arch-enemy of the Throne.
  By winning the sympathy of an English servant in the Legation, Dr. Sun succeeded in sending a message to his English teacher and host, Dr. James Cantlie. Through the efforts of Dr. Cantlie, the story was published in a London newspaper, and the Chinese Legation immediately became the centre of newspaper reporters. The Secretary of the Legation had to admit the presence of an involuntary guest at the Legation! At the request of the British Secretary of Foreign Affairs, Dr. Sun was released on October 23rd.
  This dramatic episode made his name known throughout the United Kingdom, Europe and America. It made him a world figure at the age of 30.
  For two years (1896-98) he remained in England and Europe. These years were most fruitful in the development of his political and social ideas. "What I saw and heard during those two years," said Dr. Sun, "gave me much insight (into the situation in the West). I began to realise that, in spite of great achievements in wealth and military prowess, the great powers of Europe have not yet succeeded in providing the greatest happiness of the vast majority of the people; and that the reformers in these European countries were working hard for a new social revolution. This led my thought toward a more fundamental solution of China's problems. I was, therefore, led to include the principle of the people's livelihood on the same level as the principles of nationalism and democracy. Thus were formulated my three principles."
  It was about this time that he made a study of the socialistic literature of England and continental Europe. He was especially influenced by Henry George's Progress and Poverty . He never became a Single Taxer; but George's theories on the social origin of the rise of land value and the importance of public control of land left a permanent impression on his social teachings.
  After leaving Europe in 1898, he returned to the East and resided in Japan for two years (1898-1900). He came into contact with the leaders of the popular parties of Japan.
  China was then going through turbulent times. Japan, Russia, Germany, Britain, and France had seized important territories from China. The country was being mapped out into "spheres of influence" of imperialistic powers. There was much talk about the "partitioning of China."
  The glamourous "one hundred days' reforms" came in 1898 and were swept away by the reactionary forces under the leadership of the ignorant Empress-Dowager. Then came the Boxer movement in 1900, which resulted in the armed intervention by the joint forces of eight foreign powers.
  Dr. Sun saw in this situation his opportunity for another attempt to start his anti-monarchical revolution, which was launched in the autumn of 1900 at Canton and Huichow.
  During the first years of the new century, thousands of Chinese students were flocking to Japan to study at her schools and universities. Dr. Sun found many of these mature students ready to listen to his teachings and follow his leadership. So in 1905, he founded in Tokyo the Chung-kuo Tung-meng Hui (The Chinese Society of Covenanters), with original members representing seventeen of the eighteen provinces of China. Each member must pledge under oath solemnly to carry out the terms of the covenant, to wit: (1) Drive away the Tartars; (2) Recover China for the Chinese; (3) Establish a Republic; (4) Equalise Ownership of Land.
  From 1906 to 1911, at least ten uprisings were started. (He counted only nine as under the direction of himself or the Party). Nine times they failed, each time costing the lives of many heroic martyrs. But the tenth uprising which broke out at Wuchang, opposite Hankow, on October 10th, 1911, finally succeeded. In the brief time of a month, thirteen of the eighteen provinces responded to the revolutionary call and declared their independence of the Manchu dynasty.
  Dr. Sun was then in America and read the news of the Wuchang success in a morning paper at a small hotel in Denver, Colorado. He quietly travelled eastward to New York and thence to England and Europe, finally sailing from Marseilles in November and arriving in Shanghai on December 24th.
  On December 29th, 1911, the Provisional Senate of the Republic met and, by a vote of 16 to 1, elected Sun Yat-sen Provisional President of the Republic. On New Year's Day, 1912, he was inaugurated President at Nanking.
  Meanwhile, negotiations had been going on for a peaceful coming together of the provinces. The dynasty was no longer capable of making any resistance. But a powerful Chinese politician, Yuan Shih-kai, was in command of a formidable army. The objective in the negotiations was to win over Yuan Shih-kai to the support of the Revolution.
  On February 12th, the Throne abdicated, thus terminating 267 years of Manchu rule in China. On the 13th, Dr. Sun presented his resignation to the Provisional Senate. The next day, his resignation was accepted, and Yuan Shih-kai was elected Provisional President.
  Dr. Sun was Provisional President only 45 days. His resignation was an act of self-sacrifice best symbolising his great patriotism and his Christian spirit.
  Unfortunately, the man on whom Dr. Sun had placed his mantle, turned out to be reactionary and a traitor to the Republic.
  In the next few years, a fierce struggle went on between Dr. Sun's newly re-organised party, the Kuomintang (The People's Party) and the reactionary forces under Yuan Shih-kai. The Kuomintang had an overwhelming majority in both Houses of the new Parliament elected in 1913. But the reaction had military and financial power on its side. The Kuomintang was dissolved by force, and finally the Parliament was dissolved by force. Dr. Sun went into exile in Japan, and Yuan Shih-kai soon made himself Emperor. All liberal parties united in fighting against this monarchical restoration. Yuan Shih-kai died a disappointed man on June 6th, 1916. But the dark forces he had released lived on after him and ran amok for a number of years to come.
  For the next decade (1916-25), Dr. Sun sometimes lived in Shanghai, devoting his time to studying and writing, but, on many occasions, he took an active part in revolutionary campaigns against the militaristic reaction. His successes were only intermittent and insignificant.
  In 1924, he undertook a radical re-organisation of his party on the model of the Communist Party in Soviet Russia. This re-organisation, in the light of history was far more significant than his many political and military campaigns since the founding of the Republic. The important steps taken at that time included (1) the enlargement of the party membership by soliciting the enrolment of younger men and women throughout the country; (2) the formal admission of members of the Chinese Communist Party to active membership in the Kuomintang; (3) the employment of a number of Russian political and military advisers; (4) the revival of nationalism as the paramount issue aiming at the freeing of China from the historical shackles of the "unequal treaties" which the imperialistic powers had imposed on China for nearly a century; (5) the founding of the Whampoa Military Academy under the directorship of Chiang Kai-shek, for the training of new and ideologically inspired officers as a nucleus of a new Revolutionary Army.
  None of these important measures had shown tangible results when Dr. Sun died in Peking on March 12th, 1925. But he had the satisfaction to read on his deathbed the cheering news that, in that very week, his armies under the lead of the young officers of the Whampoa Academy were scoring crushing victories over the reactionary forces. Two weeks after his death, the province of Kwangtung was entirely free from opposing forces, and thus became the consolidated base for the new Nationalist Revolution of which Dr. Sun had dreamed for years, but which did not succeed in unifying the nation until a few years after his death.
  In 1918, Dr. Sun planned to write a series of books under the general scheme of "planning for National Reconstruction." His plan was interrupted by subsequent political activities, and only the following works were published:(1) The Philosophy of Sun Wen (1919); (2) The First Step in Democracy (which is a translation of an American text-book on parliamentary rules) (1919);(3) The International Development of China (1921) ; (4) An Outline of National Reconstruction for the National Government (1924); (5) Sixteen Lectures on San Min Chu I (1924).
  Dr. Sun's greatest contribution to Chinese nationalism lies in the great vigour and force of his personal leadership which revitalised the nationalistic consciousness of the Chinese people and made it the irresistible driving force, first against the alien rule of the Manchu dynasty, and later against foreign domination in China. He lived to see the overthrow of the Manchu dynasty. But history will undoubtedly give him full credit for his part in the new nationalist movement which has made possible the political unification of China, the long and successful resistance to Japanese aggression, and, last but not least, the final abolition of the "unequal treaties" which was realised last year by the new treaties concluded between China and Great Britain and between China and the United States respectively.
  It was fortunate for China and for the world that the movement of Chinese nationalism was led and guided by Dr. Sun whose Anglo-Saxon education, scientific training, and international outlook were all great assets in directing what might have been a destructive and explosive force into moderate and constructive channels.
  Of the six lectures he had planned on the people's livelihood, only four were delivered. In the incomplete documents he has left us, there is not much in his economic programme which can be regarded as truly new. His contribution consists in his moderation and usual eclecticism. Although he was at one time willing to co-operate with the Communists, he was never converted to the Marxist theories of class struggle and materialistic interpretation of history. He had great faith in the power of the non-economic factors in history—the power of the mind, the will, and the ideas. Indeed his book, The Philosophy of Sun Wen , was published with the sub-title, "Psychological Reconstruction." He was never tired of preaching that a psychological and intellectual revolution must precede any important political and economic change. And the story of his life was the best proof of the validity of this faith.
  A concise summary of his economic programme is found in his "Outline of National Reconstruction." It contains these:—

  (1) The government must provide for the four basic needs of the people: namely, food, clothing, housing, and locomotion.
  (2) Each hsien (county) government, inaugurating self-government, must first determine the value of all privately-owned land within its jurisdiction. The owners shall themselves report the land value, and the government shall assess taxes on the basis of the declared value. All subsequent rise in land value due to political improvement and social progress shall be considered as the public property of the people. (Note the influence of Henry George's Progress and Poverty ).
  (3) All "unearned increment" of land value, all products of public domain, all yield from the natural resources of the nation (such as mines, water-power, and forests), shall be the public property of the local governments, and shall be used for public enterprises and for public benefit.
  (4) When a local government is incapable of undertaking alone the developing of its natural resources, industries, or commercial enterprises, the central government shall give aid to secure the needed capital.
  (5) A plank not included in the "Outline" but often discussed in his lectures is the idea of "regulation of capital." Dr. Sun never advocated the abolition of private enterprise or private capital. But capital must be subject to the proper regulation of the government in the interest of the people.
  Throughout his whole life, Dr. Sun was essentially under the influence of the political thinking and political institutions of the Anglo-Saxon nations. The democratic ideas and practices of Switzerland and France also had great influence on him.
  But he was always interested in two political institutions developed by the Chinese people throughout the ages. The first is the competitive examination system for the civil service. This he wished to preserve in a modernised form. The other is the system of censorial control over the government. This was a peculiarly Chinese institution by which the Chinese government created its own check and opposition, and which empowered a special branch of the government to censure and impeach the government, not excepting the Emperor himself and his family. This institution Dr. Sun also wished to preserve in his new constitution.
  Therefore, Dr. Sun works out what he calls the five-power constitution, the five being executive, legislative, judiciary, examinational, and censorial control.
  The examinational power means placing all civil service under the merit system. The power of censorial control means taking out of the traditional parliament those semi-judicial powers of interrogation, inquiry, public investigation and hearing, and impeachment, and making them into a separate and independent power of the government. It should also include the checking and auditing of all governmental accounts.
  Dr. Sun had no use for the negative or laissez-faire theory of government. He wanted a government with tremendous powers to do big things for the nation and the people. He said that the fear of a powerful and effective government was due to a fundamental defect in political thinking—a lack of confidence in the power of the people to control a government when it becomes too powerful. This defect can be remedied by a proper conception of the difference between political sovereignty and administrative capability or efficiency. The government must have administrative capability to do things, but the people should have the sovereign power to control it. It is foolish to assert popular sovereignty at the expense of administrative capability. The objective of democratic control of the government, therefore, should not be to paralyse administrative effectiveness, but only to safeguard the people against possible abuse of power by the government.
  Dr. Sun thinks that the safeguard lies in extending the political powers of the people. The people must have four political powers: (1) the power of voting at the elections; (2) the power of recall (that is, recall of elected officers); (3) the power of initiative (that is, of initiating legislation); (4) the power of referendum (that is, having legislation referred back to the people). These institutions of "direct democracy" have been taken by Dr. Sun from Switzerland and such northwestern states of the U.S.A. as Oregon. Dr. Sun was confident that the full exercise of these four powers by the people in a constitutional democracy will insure against the danger of any government becoming too powerful for the safety and wellbeing of the people.
  The tragic experiences of the early years of the Republic had modified the early optimistic enthusiasm of the Father of the Chinese Revolution and led him to work out his theory of the "Three Stages of National Reconstruction."The three stages are: (1) the military or revolutionary stage; (2) the tutelage or guardianship stage; and (3) the constitutional stage.
  Any province which is fully unified and pacified shall immediately inaugurate its second stage of political tutelage. During the tutelage period, the government should dispatch trained and selected officials to assist the localities in achieving self-government. When a county has completed its population census, its land survey, its road-building programme, and when the people of the county have been sufficiently trained in the exercise of their four-fold political powers, such a county shall be declared to have attained the status of self-government, and shall henceforth elect its own executive and legislative officers.
  Any province wherein all the counties have attained self-government shall inaugurate its constitutional government. When more than half of the total number of provinces have attained self-government, there shall be called the national assembly which shall decide upon a national constitution and proclaim it. Hereafter, the people shall hold the national election in accordance with the constitution. The provisional national government shall resign three months after the completion of the elections and transfer the administration to the popularly elected government.
  The real enemies of the revolution and national reconstruction, says Dr. Sun, are psychological and philosophical. Experience had taught him that the greatest obstacle to a successful revolution in China was to be found in the proverbial philosophy of the Chinese people which holds that "to know is easy, but to act is difficult." Dr. Sun maintains that it is this traditional philosophy which has paralysed action and retarded progress.
  To counteract this psychological defeatism, Dr. Sun proposes his own philosophy of life and action: "To know is difficult, but to act is easy." This apparently paradoxical dictum he tries to establish in his book, The Philosophy of Sun Wen .
  He cites ten groups of facts as proofs of his philosophy. To eat, for example, is easy; yet how many persons can claim to know all the scientific facts concerning the physiology of feeding and digestion and the chemistry of nutrition and dietetics? Does this lack of knowledge ever deter any one from the simple and necessary act of eating?
  Similarly, it is exceedingly easy for everybody to spend money, but it is very difficult indeed even for the trained social scientist to grasp the subtleties and mysteries of that wonderful branch of knowledge called economics.
  His other proofs include house-building, ship-building, electricity, and such early chemical industries as the making of soya-bean curd and the manufacture of porcelain. In all these, he points out that action often comes before knowledge and sometimes even without knowledge; that the task of knowing is necessarily confined to the few—the architect who plans the skyscraper or designs the ocean liner, or the inventor of the telephone or the wireless telegraphy, or the chemist who analyses the bean curd and theories about its nutritional value; and that, for the vast majority of people, action even in such difficult matters as modern ship-building is possible and easy if they will only follow the blueprints worked out by those who know.
  All action becomes impossible only when people are frightened by the defeatist preachings of the false prophets "who fear what they ought not to fear, and who fear not what they ought to fear." They teach that knowledge is easy whereas it is in fact not easy. And they fear that action is difficult whereas it is not difficult at all.
  Dr. Sun's philosophy of action, therefore, teaches "that most men can act even without knowledge, that they surely can act with the aid of knowledge, and that they will act better with the increasing knowledge which comes from the experience of action." Follow leadership, and respect those who know. But do not let your adoration of knowledge deter you from the courage to act!